Unit 2 - Changing Relations Cheat Sheet (DRAFT) by etait4502

Negoti­ations were held until October 1921 when Sinn Fein nation­alists Micheal Collins and Arthur Griffith signed the 'Anglo Irish Treaty of 1921'

As it did not give complete indepe­ndence (although it did give home rule) some Nation­alists were not happy with this treaty.

- Ireland will be split into 2 countries - the IFS and Northern Ireland

- Members of the new IFS parliament will swear an 'oath of allegi­ance' to the King of Britain.

- A govern­or-­general will be appointed to represent the British Crown in Ireland. They will make sure all new laws passed by the new Irish government do not go against British wishes.

- The new Northern Ireland parliament will have the right to opt out of control of the IFS - if the people of Northern Ireland don't want to be apart of the Irish Free State they don't have to be.

Two groups of nation­alists emerged: pro-Treaty nation­alists led by men such as Micheal Collins and Arthur Griffith and an anti-T­reaty group led by Eamon de Valera.

However anti-T­reaty nation­alists were not convinced. They believed agreeing to partition was abandoning thousands of nation­alists in the new Northern Ireland.

Another criticism was that an 'oath of allegi­ance' to the British crown meant Ireland was still being controlled by Britain. They argued that an oath to the British monarch would go against the oath they would take for the IFS.

The signing of the treaty led to a massive split in Sinn Fein. In the short war the pro-Treaty side were victorious despite the death of both Collins and Griffith.

Elections held for new Northern Ireland parliament in May 1921. Unionists, under leader James Craig, won 40 of 52 seats. King George V officially opened the new parliament on 22nd June 1921.

Under new partition rules, new Belfast parliament respon­sible for everyday affairs of new country. Westmi­nister still had control over foreign affairs, defence and taxation. Held onto right to stop any law passed by Belfast govern­ment.

Disliked Northern Ireland - did not want to be a part of it. Nation­alists made up one third of the country, a permanent minority ruled by a Unionist govern­ment.

Nation­alists also faced violence. Reports of Unionist expulsion from homes in the IFS increased Protestant fears and suspicions in Northern Ireland.

Nation­alists being removed from jobs. 11,000 Nation­alists lost Belfast shipyard jobs.

Shocked and devastated by 1925 news of border being there to stay.

Rise of IRA activity due to growing Nation­alist unrest. Unionists saw this as all Nation­alists being out to undermine new state of Northern Ireland.

Special police unit known as 'B Specials' which was virtually all Unionist, dealt with 'diffi­cul­ties' in Nation­alist commun­ities.

Northern Ireland became even more divided.

Throughout this period anti-B­ritish feeling, and a continued desire for complete indepe­ndence, remained strong in the IFS. Cosgrave was criticised for co-ope­ration with Britain and blamed for the country's poor economic condition.

de Valera hated the 'oath of allegi­ance' part of the treaty. In April 1932 he introduced a law to remove the Oath. Despite British protests and opposition from Cumann na nGaedheal, the government passed the 'Removal of the Oath Act' in May 1933. To Irish nation­alists this was an important step in removing British links and streng­thening their political indepe­ndence. However it was regarded by Britain as breaking treaty terms and it increased their suspicions of de Valera.

de Valera was against this too as it meant the British could stop any laws which were passed against their control of the IFS. de Valera was determined to restrict the Govern­or-­General so in 1932, de Valera instructed Fianna Fail ministers to ignore the G-G and boycott all official functions and events that he attended.

The Privy Council was the highest court in British law - people who had appeals against laws or convic­tions against themselves took their cases to this group of judges based in London.

de Valera's final action was the passing of the 'External Relations Act' with this law removing the King's authority within the IFS, although in theory the IFS continued to recognise the monarch as the Head of Common­wealth. Moreover, as a result of this law the Govern­or-­General role ceased to exist.

Within four years of coming to power, de Valera had removed many limits on the power of the government of the IFS.

In 1937, de Valera decided to devise a new consti­tution of his own, meaning the country would almost be starting afresh. This would give him the opport­unity to make the IFS even more indepe­ndent from Britain. The new consti­tution known as 'Bunreacht na hEireann' introduced some changes to how the IFS would be governed.

The leader of the government became known as the 'Taois­each'. Instead of the King being head of state, the new consti­tution had a President as the top of the govern­ment.

The new consti­tution made no mention of the King, but Eire remained part of the British Empire. de Valera agreed with this as he thought that it would make it easier to eventually get complete indepe­ndence and possibly to end partition.

Unionists in Northern Ireland were very concerned at this new consti­tution; making them more suspicious of Eire and even more determined to stay as part of Britain. As a conseq­uence, Unionists held an election in NI, during which many Unionist politi­cians denounced Eire publicly.

Nation­alists in NI saw little in the new consti­tution to help solve the discri­min­ation against them. Nation­alists began to feel even more isolated and seemed resigned to their fate as a forgotten minority.

- In 1870 the British government had given loans to Irish tenant farmers to allow them to buy the land on which they worked. Much of this land was owned by British landow­ners, with many of whom having never been to Ireland before. The farmers had agreed to pay this loan back each year in 'land annuities'

When campai­gning in 1932, de Valera promised to cancel these payments when elected to power. He kept his promise and stopped payments.

The IFS government responded by putting extra import duties on British goods coming to the IFS.

de Valera also hoped that Irish people would respond to the expensive British goods coming into the IFS by setting up their own businesses to compete with British goods. de Valera was positive about success chances but was incorrect.

Some relief was achieved in 1935 when a 'Coal-­Cattle Pact' was agreed; increasing trade on these goods, however this wasn't enough.

The economic war had affected the relati­onships between Britain, Eire and Northern Ireland badly.

During the war, cattle from the IFS had become more expensive in Britain, meaning demand fell and many farmers in the IFS went bankrupt as cattle exports fell by 35% between 1929 and 1934. Overall exports to Britain fell by 50% from 1932-34, with their value dropping by £55 million.

There was a decline of rural living standards in the IFS. People here suffered more from the import tax on coal in partic­ular. Migration to urban areas sped up and many left Ireland altoge­ther. The IFS peat industry benefited during the war due to the scarcity and cost of British coal.

With industrial develo­pment in mind, de Valera's government set up an Industrial Credit Fund which provided funds for people wishing to set up new businesses and industrial ventures during the economic war. With this support, industry employ­ments rose by 50% during the war.

The 'economic war' also damaged trade between Northern Ireland and the IFS. The Belfast government responded to the end of land annuity payments by cutting imports of IFS goods in Northern Ireland. This led to lots of smuggling across the border to avoid paying import duties.

Even though Britain wasn't seriously affected econom­ically places such as Liverpool suffered from increased unempl­oyment.

The Economic war led to a worsening in relati­onships between the IFS and Britain.

Chambe­rlain was also convinced that if he gave them back to de Valera it would bring an end to the economic war and gain the support of Eire should a war begin.

de Valera saw the return of the ports to Eire's control as another step in his disman­tling of the 1921 Anglo-­Irish Treaty. de Valera thought that this would finally end British interf­erence in Eire's affairs and remove all British soldiers from Eire. It would also allow Eire to decide for itself whether or not to get involved in a potential war in Europe.

On 25th April 1938 Britain and Eire signed the 'Anglo­-Irish Agreem­ent'. Under this the economic war officially ended and the treaty ports were returned to Eire.

- Britain will (a) remove any taxes put on Eire's goods sold in Britain and increase trade with Eire for 3 years. (b) leave the naval bases occupied by British soldiers as part of the 1921 Anglo-­Irish Treaty.

The general reaction was mostly positive, especially as Eire and Britain's relati­onship had improved at a time of increasing worry across Europe.

Northern Ireland Unionists were also concerned about the agreement; they disliked the idea of Eire and Britain increasing relations as they feared it may lead to partit­ioning ending and a United Ireland soon following.

Both Britain and Eire were affected by conseq­uences of the Anglo-­Irish agreement. Britain received a short-term advantage from the deal with the £10 mil but when war broke out it soon became clear that the Treaty Ports would have been of some use to the war effort. Overall though it was de Valera and Eire who benefited most from the 1938 Agreement. It was another success for him in his attempts to break British links.

A new secret weapon known as 'radar' was employed succes­sfully across most of mainland Britain. This tool would allow the British to detect any incoming German aircraft heading for British shores from up to 30 miles away and quickly send British fighter planes to intercept them. Indeed, by 1940, radar covered the whole coastline of mainland Britain from the Isle of Wight to the Orkney Islands.

During the early years of the war; aircraft technology was improved and the develo­pment of new types of planes such as Spitfires and Hurricanes was sped up.

In Northern Ireland there was only one squadron for the whole province, with many planes being old and out-of­-date.

By the end of 1941 there were 12 squadrons based in Northern Ireland. Several new airfields were also constr­ucted in Northern Ireland, including those at Ballykelly and Alderg­rove, widening the range of the RAF's defence of Northern Ireland.

Anti-a­ircraft guns ringed major cities while powerful search­lights scanned the sky for potential bombers.

By the spring of 1941, 38 more anti-a­ircraft guns were being used in the province. However, only 22 of these were situated in Belfast, the likely target for a German bomber. The government thought it was for 50 anti-a­ircraft guns to be used around Belfast; the city was under-­pre­pared.

The same was not true for Northern Ireland; the Stormant government asked for 1.5 million gas masks (enough for entire popula­tion), but only 260,000 received one, mostly those in Belfast. Gas masks were rarely carried by people, and those who were doing so were assumed to be from the mainland.

The 'Air Raid Protec­tion' organi­sation was set up by the British government at the start of the war. In 1939 it had around 500,000 civilian members. ARP 'wardens' supervised ordinary Britons to make sure they were contri­buting to air raid protec­tion.

ARP wardens had to supervise the blackout. Househ­olders had to make sure no light was visible from their windows after dark and the ARP could fine people for showing a light.

In Britain, ARP wardens served a useful purpose and contri­buted well to air raid protec­tion.

There were almost 1000 cases of blackout offences per month in Northern Ireland. It got to the point where it got too much for the courts and people were just let off.

Many poor people had no gardens for shelters so 500,00 Morrison shelters were provided instead.

In the first 10 months of the war only 200 public shelters were erected across the entire province.

In Britain around 1.5 million were evacuated upon war breaking out.

However in Northern Ireland only 12,095 people volunt­eered for evacuation when it was introd­uced, with 5053 returning to Belfast again by the middle of 1940.

Over the summer of 1939 over 35,000 businesses and factories moved out of London. This was encouraged by the govern­ment.

From September 1939 road signs were removed to confuse enemy parach­utists. Government posters encouraged motorists to disable unattended vehicles while maps and bikes were too be hidden as well. Car drivers had to be content with only one headlight.

Over 1000 people were evacuated from England to Northern Ireland.

Hitler realised 'blitz­krieg' would not work - his generals told him that no invasion could succeed if German soldiers were attacked by the RAF and the British Royal Navy. Clearly, conquering Britain would require a joint air and sea invasion. Clearly conquering Britain would require a joint air and sea invasion.

On the 1st of July 1940, the first German aircraft crossed the Channel and the air war that became known as the 'Battle of Britain' begun.

Britain's investment in radar meant that RAF planes were rarely caught on the ground by the Luftwaffe.

Another problem was that although the Luftwaffe had lots of aircraft, they were often the wrong type for trying to gain dominance over another air force. Planes like the Stuka dive bomber were designed for helping an army in battle, not attacking other planes.

- German fighter planes only had enough fuel on board to guarantee them 30 minutes' flying time over England.

- German intell­igence was regularly poor - the Germans did not realise how important radar was.

Waves of German bombers escorted by fighter aircraft would attack targets in Britain. In response, British fighters were sent to intercept them.

As pilots were killed, hundreds were recruited to fill the gap. As planes were destroyed more planes were needed. Production in Britain focused on making fighter planes and not bombers. This had an effect, between July and September 1943, Britain was making 563 planes per month, therefore outpro­ducing the Germans.

In September 1940, the Luftwaffe changed tactics. Instead of attacking the RAF, the Luftwaffe began to bomb London. This gave the RAF breathing space, although it started the most terrifying phase of the war for civilians.

The Battle of Britain was effect­ively over once the Blitz began. It gradually became clear that if Hitler had given up on his plans to destroy the RAF then he must have also given up his plans for invasion.

In total there were four attacks on the County Antrim city. The first (April 7 -8), a small attack, was most likely carried out to test the city’s defenses. The next took place on Easter Tuesday, April 15, 1941. In this attack, 200 German bombers targeted military and manufa­cturing sites across the city. Some 900 people were killed and 1,500 were injured as a result of this air raid. Apart from London, this was the greatest loss of life in any night raid during the Blitz. The third was over the evening and morning May 4 and 5. The death toll was 150. The final attack took place on May 5 – 6.

Crowded terraced houses were near the targeted docks area. The dead were stacked in the Falls Road public baths and in a market close to the city center. Many of the victims could not be identi­fied. If Rosary beads were found in a pocket then it was assumed they were Catholic. As well as the huge loss of life, there was also extensive damage across the city, as half of the houses in Belfast city were hit by bombs which in turn left 100,000 people homeless.

Docks & factories targeted.

Biggest raid in Liverpool on 3rd May 1941, involved 500 bombers. Fire burnt out of control due to water mains being hit.

Smaller towns hit in 'Baedeker' raids. 6000 V1 bombs actually reached British targets, causing 20,000 casual­ties.

By 1941, no new factories had been built. 70,000 unemployed at end of 1941. Belfast men took 120,000 hours to create an aircraft, 40,000 on mainland. Despite this, NI made an improving contri­bution to war effort.

Engine­ering companies in Belfast contri­buted 75 million shells and 180 million bullets. 50,000 bayonets. 50,000 camouflage and cargo nets. One third of ropes produced in Belfast.

Thousands of NI workers went from NI to work in munitions factories in England.

Lough Foyle became a natural refuge for trading ships which travelled to and from the USA. Furthe­rmore, new naval base constr­ucted at Lisahally. At one point, 150 ships and 40,000 servicemen based there. German submarine commanders ordered to surrender to nearest port at end of war in 1945. 43 German submarines put in Lisahally.

Northern Ireland relied on enlistment instead of conscr­iption. Conscr­iption introduced in mainland in April 1939, before war had even began. Conscr­iption more contro­versial in Northern Ireland.

British government decided that trying to introduce conscr­iption would do more harm than good. In 1941 10,000 Catholics attended a protest rally against conscr­iption in Belfast. Mainland was beginning to run out of workers due to conscr­iption.

Amount of land in NI available for growing crops increased signif­icantly - 150,000 acres under tillage in 1939, became 270,000 in 1940 and 850,000 by 1943.

Northern Irish farmers had great time during war. Many farmers became wealthy. NI supplied 20% of mainland Britian's need for eggs. Province also exported £3 million worth of sheep, cattle and milk. On average, 100,000 litres of milk sent to Scotland everyday.

Government had plans for increased food production from beginning of war. Private gardens turned over to vegeta­bles, playing fields, railway embank­ments and major public buildings ploughed up. Lawns in front of Queen's university Belfast used. However Britain could only produce 80% of its own food.

Rationing soon went beyond food. Caused equality in society - even Royal family had ration books.

Fuel was always something that was in short supply. Both public and private transport affected in Northern Ireland.

Shortages created temptation to cheat system. Black Market flouri­shing across Britain. Smuggling across border from Eire widely practised.

Home Guard's job was to help the regular army and protect important places and coastl­ines.

Mounted coastal patrols, manned anti-a­ircraft guns and helped protect airfields.

In April 1941, 100,000 soldiers were in NI. By 1944, 300,000. 25% of Ferman­agh's population in Armed Forces. Many thousands of soldiers (many American GIs) sent to Northern Ireland. Welcomed by most but there were problems.

Racial tensions - many Northern Irish people had never seen a black person before.

Declared neutrality to prove indepe­ndence from Britain. Eire believed it was its duty to unite the Irish people against Irish forces and protect them from the hardships of war. One of 20 major countries to do so.

Germany had already demons­trated it had little respect for neutral countries - had invaded and controlled 8 between April and August 1940.

de Valera allowed for neutrality to be 'bent' slightly as it would have to have some type of relati­onship with countries at war. Became 'benev­olent'

Relief funds set up by Eire for those affected in Blitz. From April 23rd 1941, Eire enforced blackout on East Coast of country.

Neutrality challenged by what to do when planes of those fighting crashed in Eire - happened 223 times. When allied pilots crashed, allowed to sneak over border. Germans were imprisoned instead.

de Valera protested US ambassador David Gray; arrival of US troops was an interf­erence in Eire's affairs.

These actions caused resentment in Britain and Northern Ireland yet maintained flexible neutra­lity.

Eire vulnerable to German attack. Britain worried Eire would be invaded and used as a base to attack the mainland.

Eire did not have blackouts, making NI a target for the Luftwaffe. British govern­ments made several attempts to end neutra­lity.

Eire's reliance on imports - Short supply during war years due to Britain being short of ships.

Cross-­border links - Lots of illegal smuggling

IRA - de Valera suspected the IRA would be sympat­hetic to Nazis in return of a promise to end partition. IRA had contacts in Germany but got little help from Nazis. Eire took firm stance against the IRA, allowing two hunger strikers to die in 1940. Could imprison without trial for indefinite spell of trial - demons­trated to British that de Valera was strong on the issue of IRA activity.

Blueshirts were constant thorn. Fine Gael political party set up, opposed de Valera's actions whenever possible. Violence occurred between two groups, several blueshirts killed in street clashes. de Valera able to use powers against Bluesh­irts, O'Duffy went into exile.

July 1945, first general election to be held in Britain for 10 years. Churchhill expected his personal popularity would be enough for his Conser­vative Party to win the election. Instead, Churchhill was defeated by the Labour Party and its leader Clement Attlee.

Labour wished to try out its socialist ideals. Nation­ali­sation (believing industry and economy should be owned by the government on behalf of the British people, rather than for the profit of private indivi­duals.)

Labour government also had to stop British goods being exported and increase imports at same time. Second­-hand cars became more expensive than new ones.

Other taxpayers worried that cost of NHS would be too great for them to bear (£242 million in first year) NHS began to operate on 5th July 1948. Proved a success. By December, 36 million prescr­iptions dispensed, 8 million received glasses and 6 million got free dental care.

NI faced serious problems. Shortages as economy was geared to war and had to revert back to peace. Factories and machinery in need of repairs.

In 1944, Government carried out first official housing enquiry in the province. Found out that in Belfast, 37% of people lived in unfit or overcr­owded dwellings. 100,000 houses urgently needed. 43,000 houses deemed as unfit for living in. 3200 houses destroyed in Blitz, 53,000 more damaged. 53% of Belfast housing deemed unfit for habita­tion.

Security was shattered by election of Labour Government in 1945. This was due to Labour Party being known to oppose the partition of Ireland. Unionists feared Clement Attlee may try and force the six counties into a United Ireland. Concerned about NI having to pay for own welfare costs.

Over next 10 years changes improved health in NI consid­erably. In 1939 NI had highest death rate in Britain, lowest by 1962. Polio and tuberc­ulosis eradicated in NI.

However a negative side to the housing boom was how Protestant counci­llor's weighed the allocation system in favour of Protes­tants while Catholics struggled to receive a new home. The poor was often excluded due to not being seen as respec­table.

Economy was in state of distress. Worst economic depression since 1870s. Big problem was Eire's close relati­onship with Britain.

Prices in Eire rose, emigration started again. In 1945, 24,000 emigrated from Ireland, while 40,000 in 1948.

Serious shortages. Timber virtually unobta­inable, impossible to build new homes. Severe coal shortage after harsh winter 1946-47.

Benefits virtually nonexi­stent, no Welfare State.

Soon political changes in Britain had impact on Eire. Jealousy arouse over British welfare system. Led to discontent with government and de Valera's defeat in 1948 general election.

Made changes to Eire's economy to indust­rialise it and produce enough goods for export.

House building program started. Led to constr­uction of 12,000 new houses. Helped by fewer shortages of building materials. Attempts made to improve relations with Britian, eg. in 1948 a trade agreement on farm produce guaranteed Eire's farmers better prices.