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  /Title (conditions-shaping-womens-access-into-politics.pdf)
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  /Subject (Conditions Shaping Womens' Access into Politics Cheat Sheet)
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    \vspace{-2pt}\large{\bf{\textcolor{DarkBackground}{\textrm{Conditions Shaping Womens' Access into Politics Cheat Sheet}}}} \\
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   Updated 28th November, 2024.\\
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\begin{tabularx}{5.377cm}{X}
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\mymulticolumn{1}{x{5.377cm}}{\bf\textcolor{white}{Conditions Surroudning Participation}}  \tn
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\mymulticolumn{1}{x{5.377cm}}{while the formal rules of candidate selection do not discriminate against women, resulting in the framing of women's political under-representation as an unfortunate consequence of a gender-neutral, fair and effective system which produces the best people for the job. → it is {\bf{the informal rules}} that puts a significant advantage on men \newline % Row Count 7 (+ 7)
- social conservatism \newline % Row Count 8 (+ 1)
- social attitudes \newline % Row Count 9 (+ 1)
- {\bf{localism}} → local base and networks → privileges men: \newline % Row Count 11 (+ 2)
- {\bf{personalism}} → knowing the candidate is important; personal connection, but also being as easily contacted as possible \newline % Row Count 14 (+ 3)
→ Experience of local office, and being well-connected into the local community, are key to the recruitment and selection prospects of candidates. However as women's representation on local councils has never exceeded 21 per cent in Ireland. fewer women \newline % Row Count 20 (+ 6)
than men can harness this attribute  \newline % Row Count 21 (+ 1)
- {\bf{candidate selection procedures}} \newline % Row Count 22 (+ 1)
→ women still fulfilling their traditional role by taking care of the house and children do not have the time to develop their networks, etc. and thus often 'lack' on these conditions \newline % Row Count 26 (+ 4)
   - the theory of supply and demand → factors that clarify whether one is suitable for candidacy \newline % Row Count 28 (+ 2)
   - 5 C's: care (childcare or/and other), cash, culture, candidate selection, confidence, (cyberspace) \newline % Row Count 31 (+ 3)
} \tn 
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\mymulticolumn{1}{x{5.377cm}}{\bf\textcolor{white}{Conditions Surroudning Participation (cont)}}  \tn
\SetRowColor{white}
\mymulticolumn{1}{x{5.377cm}}{   - women are more likely to face harassment and abuse on internet, including physical and sexual violence. \newline % Row Count 3 (+ 3)
   - electors vote equally for men and women, women do face bias in candidate selection \newline % Row Count 5 (+ 2)
{\emph{a lot of women who joined politics were either a window of a male TD or the daughter of a previous male TD! → as if women have to prove their political credentials through men}}% Row Count 9 (+ 4)
} \tn 
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\mymulticolumn{1}{x{5.377cm}}{\bf\textcolor{white}{Supply and Demand Theory}}  \tn
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\mymulticolumn{1}{x{5.377cm}}{{\bf{The theory of supply and demand}}(Norris and Lovenduski, 1993; Norris \newline % Row Count 2 (+ 2)
and Lovenduski, 1995; Norris, 1997) \newline % Row Count 3 (+ 1)
- {\bf{Supply:}} conditioned by the availability (or lack) of resources \newline % Row Count 5 (+ 2)
(political experience, time, funds and networks) and motivational \newline % Row Count 7 (+ 2)
factors (Interest, confidence and ambition) \newline % Row Count 8 (+ 1)
   -\textgreater{} Individuall-level \newline % Row Count 9 (+ 1)
- Demand: influenced by the opportunity structure in a given \newline % Row Count 11 (+ 2)
constituency, such as the number of seat vacancies, as well as the \newline % Row Count 13 (+ 2)
selector's own attitudes and their perceptions of the "type" of \newline % Row Count 15 (+ 2)
candidates voters prefer \newline % Row Count 16 (+ 1)
  -\textgreater{} \seqsplit{Institutional/structural-level}% Row Count 17 (+ 1)
} \tn 
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\mymulticolumn{1}{x{5.377cm}}{\bf\textcolor{white}{The 5 C's}}  \tn
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\mymulticolumn{1}{x{5.377cm}}{- Care (childcare \& other) \newline % Row Count 1 (+ 1)
- Cash \newline % Row Count 2 (+ 1)
- Culture (National, Political Institutions \& Political Parties) \newline % Row Count 4 (+ 2)
- Candidate selection \newline % Row Count 5 (+ 1)
- Confidence \newline % Row Count 6 (+ 1)
   -\textgreater{} A 6th C – Cyberspace% Row Count 7 (+ 1)
} \tn 
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\mymulticolumn{1}{x{5.377cm}}{\bf\textcolor{white}{Other Determants}}  \tn
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\mymulticolumn{1}{x{5.377cm}}{Explanations for varying levels of women's \newline % Row Count 1 (+ 1)
representation across nation-states at an institutional and/or societal level include:  \newline % Row Count 3 (+ 2)
{\bf{Social-structural, socio-cultural, socio-economic}} \newline % Row Count 5 (+ 2)
focuses on whether laws treat people differently based on gender. \newline % Row Count 7 (+ 2)
{\emph{key economic and social indicators}}  \newline % Row Count 8 (+ 1)
- What is the level of women's educational attainment? \newline % Row Count 10 (+ 2)
- If high, should see high numbers of women in politics \newline % Row Count 12 (+ 2)
    - Puzzling – many countries, inc ROI, with high levels of women's educational attainment do not have high numbers of women in politics \newline % Row Count 15 (+ 3)
- What is the level of women's participation in the labour force? \newline % Row Count 17 (+ 2)
    - If high, should see high numbers of women in politics \newline % Row Count 19 (+ 2)
        - But again, not always congruently so. \newline % Row Count 20 (+ 1)
    - Gender parity in UN GDI corresponds to higher percentages of women in parliament \newline % Row Count 22 (+ 2)
- Fertility rates – access to contraception \newline % Row Count 23 (+ 1)
    - Women make choices (to have/have not children; delay entry into politics due to family commitments; leave politics due to family commitments) which men don't face to the same extent \newline % Row Count 27 (+ 4)
- What is the social eligibility pool? \newline % Row Count 28 (+ 1)
    - Usually, women politicians are highly educated, from professional backgrounds and are gainfully employed \newline % Row Count 31 (+ 3)
} \tn 
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\mymulticolumn{1}{x{5.377cm}}{\bf\textcolor{white}{Other Determants (cont)}}  \tn
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\mymulticolumn{1}{x{5.377cm}}{        - The trend seems to be suggesting that when women 'make it' in traditionally male-dominated jobs (judges, journalists, 3rd level teachers/lecturers, MDs. law), one observes increasing numbers of women in politics \newline % Row Count 5 (+ 5)
            - Similar obstacles \newline % Row Count 6 (+ 1)
            - Not always true – see Galligan (2010) in Coakley and Gallagher's Politics in the Republic of Ireland \newline % Row Count 9 (+ 3)
- But comparing across similarly situated nation-states in terms of socio-economic progress, we still observe differences in the levels of women's parliamentary representation \newline % Row Count 13 (+ 4)
{\bf{Political or politico-structural and instutional}} \newline % Row Count 15 (+ 2)
focused on regime type and their effect on women's political representation \newline % Row Count 17 (+ 2)
- Parliaments are considered to be gendered \newline % Row Count 18 (+ 1)
institutions \newline % Row Count 19 (+ 1)
- Electoral systems – is one type more facilitatory of the \newline % Row Count 21 (+ 2)
election of women than others? \newline % Row Count 22 (+ 1)
    - PR systems versus majoritarian systems \newline % Row Count 23 (+ 1)
- Need to look at factors such as \newline % Row Count 24 (+ 1)
    - District and party magnitudes \newline % Row Count 25 (+ 1)
    - Incumbency \newline % Row Count 26 (+ 1)
- Ideal electoral system for the election of women: closed PR List system with a DM of seven and a built-in 'zipper system' \newline % Row Count 29 (+ 3)
- Over 100 countries worldwide use some form of gender quota to address gendered barriers and facilitate increased numbers of women to run for \newline % Row Count 32 (+ 3)
} \tn 
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\vfill
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\mymulticolumn{1}{x{5.377cm}}{\bf\textcolor{white}{Other Determants (cont)}}  \tn
\SetRowColor{white}
\mymulticolumn{1}{x{5.377cm}}{political office \newline % Row Count 1 (+ 1)
- left-wing parties more favourable to introducing measures to advance the role of women in parties and electoral politics \newline % Row Count 4 (+ 3)
- pipeline theory: women's access to lower levels of political office a determinant to their access to higher levels of political office \newline % Row Count 7 (+ 3)
- Political Opportunity Structures \newline % Row Count 8 (+ 1)
- sudden openings can advantage women, especially those who have stood outside male political circles \newline % Row Count 11 (+ 3)
(Jalalzai, 2013: 20) \newline % Row Count 12 (+ 1)
- But also because of political circumstances which facilitates their accidental leadership \newline % Row Count 14 (+ 2)
- Glass cliff: 'tendency for women to be more likely than men to be appointed to leadership positions that are risky and precarious' (Forbes , 2016) \newline % Row Count 18 (+ 4)
{\bf{Ideological and Culture Explanations}} \newline % Row Count 19 (+ 1)
Gendered cultures/stereotypes within political \seqsplit{institutions/organisations} re-inscribe gendered roles \newline % Row Count 22 (+ 3)
 -\textgreater{} Women more likely to hold the positions of 'Secretary' and 'Treasurer' rather than 'Chair' or 'Vice-chair' in political parties -  Support rather than leadership positions \newline % Row Count 26 (+ 4)
 -\textgreater{} Women's appointment to socio-cultural portfolios in cabinet \newline % Row Count 28 (+ 2)
- "The 'masculine' association of toughness favours men in executive positions, while compassion is a \newline % Row Count 31 (+ 3)
} \tn 
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\vfill
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\mymulticolumn{1}{x{5.377cm}}{\bf\textcolor{white}{Other Determants (cont)}}  \tn
\SetRowColor{white}
\mymulticolumn{1}{x{5.377cm}}{liability for women (Huddy and Terkildsen, 1993; Fox and Oxley, 2003). \newline % Row Count 2 (+ 2)
- In cross-national studies, people tend to view leaders as possessing masculine' traits, which they associate with men, not women (Sczesny et al, 2004)" (Jalalzai, 2013: 17). \newline % Row Count 6 (+ 4)
- Media reinforces gender stereotypes and'associate women with 'feminine' issues \newline % Row Count 8 (+ 2)
   - Reporting on physical appearance and family \newline % Row Count 9 (+ 1)
background (Jalalzai, 2013 17 – 18) \newline % Row Count 10 (+ 1)
   - Women subjected to common gendered frames by the media (Murray, 2010) \newline % Row Count 12 (+ 2)
{\bf{Historical}} \newline % Row Count 13 (+ 1)
The standard hypothesis is that the longer men and women have enjoyed equal voting and political rights, the more women are in parliament \newline % Row Count 16 (+ 3)
  -\textgreater{} we expect to see low women's political representation in states with low GDI {[}Gender Development Index{]} scores and high women's political representation in states with high GDI scores \newline % Row Count 20 (+ 4)
However, this is not always perfectly congruent!% Row Count 21 (+ 1)
} \tn 
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